Darfur Bar Association launches fact-finding commission to investigate West Darfur attacks.

April 28 – 2022 DARFUR

Statement by: Darfur Bar Association

The Commission announces the formation of a fact-finding committee on the violations committed in West Darfur, which began on the morning of Friday 22 April 2022, with the attack on the locality of Kereinik, and the attack, killing and intimidation, extended to the city of El Geneina and until today (April 27, 2022), for the purpose of explaining the naked truth and access to the correct numbers that are close to the accuracy of the human losses in the number of dead, injured, wounded, missing persons and material losses in public and private property.

According to the data that was available since the beginning of the attack on the Kereinik locality and on the first day of the attack, on the pretext of following the tracks of the perpetrators who killed two people, neither who nor the place of their killing was determined. Abusive, robbery and looting of property, according to a statement by the governor’s office on the third day of the events, the number of dead (160 people).

According to another statement issued by the doctors on April 26, 2022, the number of bodies as a result of the events (176 bodies) and (202 wounded), and there are bodies that have not been autopsied, as in the testimonies received from the people of Kereinik locality until the third day of the attack, the number of dead was ( 206 dead, including at least 17 schoolchildren, six teachers, a medical assistant and other public utility workers, and 98 wounded with varying injuries and injuries). She was taken to the hospital because there was no need for an autopsy, and there were dead during the displacement and dozens of missing persons. This is in contrast to the dead of the attacking party.

After the attack on El Geneina Hospital and the killing of the leader of the Sudanese coalition, Major General Elias Mustafa, he circulated a picture of the aforementioned slain brigade with news that he was going to El Geneina Hospital to liquidate the wounded Arab tribes, and through preliminary information, the majority of the wounded in the hospital were wounded by the armed militia attack at the same time, the Commission monitored For a widely circulated news attributed to Radio Dabanga, that the slain coalition commander, Major General Elias Mustafa, violated the instructions of his commander, the governor of the state, who lost control of his forces and attacked El Geneina Hospital. Radio Dabanga denied the news attributed to him, as did the governor himself.

Through preliminary information, the commission obtained information confirming that the murdered commander, Elias, was visiting his brother and others who were injured in a previous accident in the hospital. Groups have an interest in obliterating the facts and spreading panic among the citizens of El Geneina city and West Darfur state, as has already happened as a result of the continuous firing of live ammunition and various types of weapons indiscriminately and densely from all directions of the city, and the residents fleeing from the customs neighbourhoods, the mountain and Kerending camp, and the casualties and injuries.

As the commission seeks, through the formation of a fact-finding committee, to collect information related to the events and to entrust it to the public opinion, because it helps to highlight the abstract truth. .

In order to avoid reactions that may lead to the expansion of the scope of possible attacks, the commission includes its voice for the demand of the Council of West Darfur, which is entrusted with civil affairs in the Masalit Sultanate, for the immediate removal of the Rapid Support Forces from the state, in addition to the armed movements, including the Sudanese coalition forces, led by the state’s governor, Khamis Abdullah Abkar, and to strengthen the role of the state’s governor. The police and their support to achieve security in the state, and there is a need to review the performance of the army and security services in the state, but in the presence of a government backed by a sound constitutional reference other than the current and its unconstitutional status.


Disclaimer: The views and opinions expressed in this statement are those of the contributing organisation/authors and do not necessarily reflect the position of Radio Dabanga.

Fighting resumes in Sudan’s Darfur – reports.

 Source: BBC 29 April, 2022


Communities in Darfur have clashed over land for decades

There are reports that fighting has resumed in the city of Geneina in the Sudanese region of Darfur where at least 200 people died over the weekend.

Following a lull in the fighting on Tuesday the sound of heavy gunfire can once again be heard.

Tension has been high between Arab nomads and members of the Massalit community who have clashed over land for decades.

On Sunday members of the Janjaweed militia backed up by a paramilitary unit known as the Rapid Support Force launched an attack on Geneina.

The city is home to many thousands who fled their homes during the Darfur war that took place almost two decades ago.


In Sudan, West Darfur is the scene of more massacres!

By Eliott Brachet (Khartum (Sudan) correspondent)

Published on April 29, 2022 at 12h19, updated at 12h19 on April 29, 2022

Vehicles of the United Nations mission in Darfur, Sudan, in February 2021.
Vehicles of the United Nations mission in Darfur, Sudan, in February 2021. – / AFP

At least 213 people have been killed in four days of violence in Darfur, according to authorities in the western Sudan region. The clashes were condemned by the United Nations, which on Wednesday called for a ‘rapid’ and ‘independent’ investigation.

“We are surrounded. Will there be another attack? I don’t sleep at night. So far, no humanitarian organization has reached us,” said Sheikh Mohammed Kari. From an IDP (Internally Displaced People) camp in the Sudanese town of Kreinik, Sheikh Mohammed Kari, one of the villagers’ representatives, called for help after four days of violence that left at least 213 people dead.

In this area, located 80 kilometers east of Geneina (the capital of West Darfur), tensions increased on Thursday, April 21, after two Arab nomads from the Riziegat tribe were murdered in their sleep. The next day, in retaliation, a first attack by Arab militias targeted the village of Kreinik, mainly populated by the Massalit. Nine people were killed and 16 wounded. On Sunday, from sunrise to sunset, 1,000 armed militiamen attacked the village a second time.

“They burned and looted everything. Some were on horses and camels, others on motorcycles or in the back of pickup trucks,” the sheikh said. The attackers did not spare schools (six teachers died) or health centers. A hospital supported by Médecins Sans Frontières (Doctors Without Borders) was targeted, killing three people. Kreinik “has been completely destroyed, including government institutions,” said the state governor, Khamis Abdullah, who described the acts as crimes against humanity.

The violence is a further escalation of the conflict in Darfur, which began in 2003 between forces of former President Omar al-Bashir’s regime and rebellions from communities, including the Massalit, which felt marginalized. More than 300,000 people have been killed and nearly three million displaced by the clashes over the past two decades.

The role of armed militias

Armed militias, nicknamed Janjaweed and composed mainly of Arab nomads, are deployed at the height of violence to fight the rebels. Janjaweed have played a major role in the repression, rape and ethnic cleansing carried out by the military-Islamist regime. According to several witnesses, these Janjaweed militias were once again at work in Kreinik, supported by soldiers of the Rapid Support Forces (RSF). These paramilitary militias are led by General Mohammed Hamdane Daglo, known as “Hemetti,” the second in command of the Sudanese junta. Their uniforms can be identified on several videos viewed by Le Monde.

By Sunday evening, the clashes had spread to Geneina. They continued until Wednesday evening despite the deployment of Sudanese armed forces. Since Monday, the local capital has been a ghost town. All health centers have closed, as have the main market and the airport. According to several witnesses, some of the inhabitants took refuge in the military base of the Sudanese forces responsible for securing the border with Chad.

(Unable to read the rest of this story as rest for subscribers only ) https://www.lemonde.fr/en/international/article/2022/04/29/in-sudan-west-darfur-is-the-scene-of-more-massacres_5981949_4.html

75 Years Of Operations: A Brief History Of Sudan Airways.

Sudan Airways is one of the oldest African airlines in operation, but there’s a reason you don’t see it too often.

16 April, 2022

Sudan Airways marks its 75th year of operations in 2022, making it one of the continent’s oldest airlines. Let’s take a look back at the history of Sudan’s flag carrier.

Domestic services from the country

Sudan first began considering flights in the mid-1940s to help connect the vast country internally and with its neighbors. The government chose to name the new flag carrier Sudan Airways, a name that remains unchanged even today, in February 1946.

Operations commenced the following year, in July 1947, using a fleet of four de Havilland Doves. These short-haul, piston-engined aircraft could seat up to 11 passengers. The airline’s base would be the national capital of Khartoum. The airline started with nine domestic destinations and one international one to neighboring Eritrea.

Sudan Airways began with the Doves but quickly began expanding its fleet as it flew further and more passengers. Photo: RuthAS via Wikimedia Commons

As demand surged for domestic and foreign flights, Sudan looked to acquire a large plane. This came in the form of the Douglas DC-3 in 1953, which offered up to double or triple the passenger capacity (21 to 32 seats) and included cargo room to start new revenue streams for the airline. Combined with its range of 2,400 kilometers, the airline began flying further within Africa, reaching Egypt and then launching its first long-haul route to Jeddah, Saudi Arabia.

Modernizing the fleet

By the dawn of the 1960s, Sudan Airways had made its presence known as far as the Mediterranean Sea, with flights to Athens. With Europe now in sights, the Viscount 831 was added to the fleet to start flights to London (with a stop in Rome), a route that was nicknamed the Blue Nile.

The Blue Nile route became important for Sudan Airways, and subsequent investments were driven by Khartoum-London flights. The de Havilland Comet 4C was added in 1963, marking the carrier’s entry into the Jet Age and highlighting it as a clear early adopter. On the short- and medium-haul side, things were going equally well. Sudan Airways added the Fokker Friendships and DHC Twin Otters to maintain flights to over two dozen destinations in 1971.

Sudan Airways acquired several types of airliners in quick succession but did not invest in one type too heavily.

Sudan Airways acquired several types of airliners in quick succession but did not invest in one type too heavily. Photo: Aldo Bidini via Wikimedia Commons

By the early 2000s, Sudan Airways had switched to Boeing and Airbus operations, with the 737, 707, and A300 taking center stage. The carrier had moved to focus on profitable international routers, with select domestic cities for connectivity. In 2007, the carrier was privatized, but this was short-lived, and it became state-owned again in 2011.

Struggling today

Political tumult, sanctions, and safety concerns saw the flag carrier blacklisted from flying to the EU in 2010. This cut off a major revenue source for the airline and has left it today with only 3-4 aircraft. Currently, the fleet comprises a 737-300, A320-200, and a 30-year-old Fokker F50. However, there could be better days on the horizon for the once major carriers.

Last year, Simple Flying reported that Lufthansa might be in talks to relaunch the airline, but this has yet to materialize. Until then, Sudan Airways announced last month that it is looking to sell its last A300 to raise funds.


Sudanese would hear good news soon: AU diplomat.

Burham meets UNITAMS, AU
General Burhan meeting with AU, IGAD and UNITAMS officials in April , 2022

April 12, 2022 (KHARTOUM) – The UNITAMS, African Union and IGAD mechanism announced Tuesday that the Sudanese people would hear good news in the coming days.

Gen Abdel Fattah al-Burhan head of the Sovereign Council and UNITAMS Head, Volker Perthes, AU Envoy Mohamed Hacen ould Lebatt and IGAD Envoy Ismail Wais discussed their efforts to hold a Sudanese-led dialogue to restore the civilian-led transitional government and end the current political crisis.

In a statement issued after the meeting, AU representative to Sudan Mohamed Belaiche said that the tripartite delegation stressed the need for a suitable atmosphere before the process through the lift of the state of emergency, the release of political detainees and end of violence against protesters.

“The Sudanese people will soon hear good and heartwarming news,” he added.

Belaiche repeated that the intra-Sudanese dialogue process aims to build political consensus between the Sudanese parties on new constitutional arrangements, define criteria for selecting the prime minister and ministers, develop an economic program that meets the urgent needs of Sudanese and reach an agreement on a detailed matrix to hold elections.

Recently, al-Burhan media adviser announced the military’s intention to form a government with the support of some armed groups signatory of the Juba peace agreement and some political forces.

But this move faces international pressure, also rejected by the Sudanese Revolutionary Front led by Hadi Idris.


Arman warns against banned NCP’s attempts to recover power in Sudan.

10 April, 2022

Ibrahi Ghandour

Ibrahim Ghandour (R) poses with Abdel Halim al-Mutaafi (C) who is wanted for corruption on April 7, 20223 Min

April 9, 2022 (KHARTOUM) – A leading member of the Forces for Freedom and Change (FFC) Yasir Arman warned against attempts by the banned Islamist National Congress Party  (NCP) to take control of the state and army, taking advantage of the country’s current political strife in the country.

In an article extended to the Sudan Tribune on Saturday, Arman said that the NCP is seeking to regain control of state institutions and the Sudanese army as the means to return to rule the country.

“The National Congress Party and its Islamist leaders could not rule Sudan, or even defeat Dr Hassan al-Turabi (in 1999) without controlling state institutions and the armed forces,” he wrote.

He stressed that the NCP seeks to exploit the isolation experienced by the coup leaders to control the army again.

After the coup, Al-Burhan appointed a number of Islamist cadres in the country’s sensitive organs, including the presidency, the intelligence and security services, the foreign ministry and the judiciary. Also and the Islamists who were dismissed from the civil service and public institutions have been reinstated while the businessmen recovered their companies and assets.

The judiciary, also, released NCP leader Ibrahim Ghandour and a number of Islamist leaders on Wednesday, April 6. Ghandour appeared alongside some leaders wanted by the prosecution, while rumours are circulating in Khartoum about the imminent release of other detained leaders, including former President Omer al-Bashir.

In an interview with Al Jazeera TV on Thursday, Ghandour praised al-Burhan’s coup, describing it as a corrective step to mistakes made by the Sudanese army, particularly the signing of a political agreement with the FFC as a representative for the revolution’s forces.

Arman said that Ghandour, despite his goodwill gestures, seemed cautiously angry with the armed forces, because they signed the Constitutional Declaration with the FFC  and accepted to put the NCP leaders in jail.

Return of war

Arman warned the armed movements signatory of the Juba Peace Agreement that the NCP’s return to power would have a negative impact on the peace implementation process, such as what happened to the democratic transition process.

The SPLM-N deputy leader underscored that Ghandour described them as “rebels” before saying that the return of the al-Bashir party would lead to the eruption of war again in Sudan.

“The return of the National Congress Party necessarily means the return of wars later, repression and looting of resources.”

He added armed struggle movements should know that they are the first concerned with this issue and that it is just a matter of time.

Arman concluded his paper by appealing to the revolution’s forces to make concessions to each other rather than to their opponents, as he said, and to agree on a unified and comprehensive platform for the transitional period.


Sudan’s Bashir is in prison, but his officials are sweeping back into power!

Three years after the autocrat’s removal, various members of Bashir’s government are once again in prominent positions

Omar al-Bashir greets a supporter from inside the defendant's cage during his trial in 2020 (Reuters)
Omar al-Bashir greets a supporter from inside the defendant’s cage during his trial in 2020 (Reuters )

By Oscar Rickett

Published date: 11 April 2022 09:57 UTC |

On 11 April 2019, Sara Abdelgalil was serving as the spokesperson for the Sudanese Professionals Association (SPA), an independent trade union campaigning for democratic change in Sudan

The first-ever woman to hold the role, Abdelgalil was in London when she got a call telling her that Omar al-Bashir, who had ruled her home country for three decades, was no longer president.

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It should have been a moment of great catharsis. The man whose intelligence and security services had tortured and killed friends and colleagues was gone. The man whose government had kept her living in exile in the UK for two decades and threatened her when she openly campaigned against it, was no more. 

Abdelgalil was with her mother, and the two women cried together, sharing in the emotion of the moment. They both thought of her father, Ibrahim Hassan Abdelgalil, a professor of economics and minister in Sadiq al-Mahdi’s short-lived democratic government of the 1980s, who had died in 2018 in Khartoum, far away from his daughter. 

But Abdelgalil, a pediatrician who works in Britain’s National Health Service, was not happy. She had the sense that Sudan’s journey to democracy had been interrupted, that it was a train that had been diverted en route to its final destination. 

“There was a degree of happiness on that day,” Abdelgalil, a member of the Sudan Doctors Union, told Middle East Eye. “But there was also concern and anxiety.”

The revolution desired the ousting not just of Bashir, but the whole system his National Congress Party (NCP) presided over.

A Sudanese man carries a placard during a rally to mark three years since the start of mass demonstrations that led to the ouster of Bashir, on 19 December 2021 (AFP)
A Sudanese man carries a placard during a rally to mark three years since the start of mass demonstrations that led to the ouster of Bashir, on 19 December 2021 (AFP)

“We wanted it all to go away,” she said. “On that day, the NCP wanted to remove Bashir and then for everyone to go home. They realised, though, that the people of Sudan wanted more.

“It was not a balanced negotiation. They had the power, they had the guns. In spite of that, the people persisted.” 

Three years and one coup later, Bashir is still in prison. His NCP remains banned. Yet two questions linger: Are Bashir’s people coming back? Did they ever go away? 

Military power

The first and most obvious place to look is at the top of the government. General Abdel Fattah al-Burhan, head of the Sudanese military and the de facto head of state, was one of the military figures who told Bashir his time was up.

But Burhan had long been one of Bashir’s reliable lieutenants, both literally and politically. 

As a military intelligence colonel coordinating army and militia attacks against civilians in West Darfur from 2003 to 2005, Burhan was, in the words of Africa Confidential editor Patrick Smith, “absolutely instrumental to the devastation caused in Darfur” by Bashir’s administration. 

Hundreds of thousands are believed to have been killed in the violence, for which Bashir is wanted by the International Criminal Court.

Burhan went on to command the army’s ground forces before being made inspector general of the army in February 2019, just two months before Bashir was removed from power. 

Alongside Burhan sits Mohamed Hamdan Dagolo, widely known as Hemeti, commander of the Rapid Support Forces (RSF) militia and the de facto deputy head of state.

Like Burhan, Hemeti is a man who has been able to increase his own power in the wake of Bashir’s removal, despite being a man who was made in the autocrat’s era. 

As the leader of the infamous Janjaweed militias, which eventually morphed into the RSF, Hemeti is accused of overseeing widespread atrocities in Darfur.


The continuity between the Bashir era and post-Bashir Sudan goes way beyond the men at the top, however.

Since the 25 October coup that toppled the then Prime Minister Abdalla Hamdok and established Burhan and Hemeti’s complete control over the country, prominent officials who were part of or affiliated with the NCP have been returning to positions of power.

Indeed, the pro-democracy movement believes the Islamist party, which ruled the country for so long, is one of the main forces behind the coup.

On Thursday, a number of Islamist leaders from the Bashir era, including the former head of the NCP Ibrahim Ghandour, were acquitted by a Sudanese court, which cited a lack of evidence.

In the aftermath, Ghandour voiced his support for the 25 October coup, which he said wasn’t a coup but a “corrective”.

The Islamist leader added that while Burhan had “made a mistake” when he signed a deal with four revolutionary leaders, the direction of the country was now improving.

Mohamed Hamdan Dagalo (Hemeti), gives a press conference upon his return from Moscow on 2 March (AFP)
Mohamed Hamdan Dagalo (Hemeti), gives a press conference upon his return from Moscow on 2 March (AFP)

Lacking a political constituency of his own, Burhan, once a card-carrying Islamist himself, is bringing back the old guard.

As activist Nada Ali put it: “Burhan has been filling key positions with remnants of the ousted Islamist fascist regime.”

Sudan’s acting foreign minister, Ali al-Sadiq, served as an ambassador in a number of different countries and was a spokesperson for his ministry under Bashir.

Appointed just a month after the 25 October coup, Ahmed Mufaddal, the director of the general intelligence service, was a Bashir loyalist who served the NCP government as governor of South Kordofan state.

Burhan’s new acting labour minister, Suad al-Tayib Hassan, was Bashir’s director of the labour office, and Amal Saleh Saad, commerce minister, was previously a deputy minister.

Minister of Cabinet Affairs Osman Hussein was appointed by the former leader’s vice president. 

Abdelaziz Fath al-Rahman Abdeen, appointed head of the judiciary on 25 November last year, used to be Bashir’s deputy chief justice. Hussain Yahia Jangol, appointed as governor of the central bank by Burhan, was chosen by Bashir for the same position.

Pro-democracy activists sent many more names to MEE in the course of reporting this article.

They said, too, that the work done by Sudan’s Empowerment Removal Committee to fight state-sponsored kleptocracy has been almost completely undone. This has included the reinstatement of hundreds of NCP-era public officials who had been removed from office by the civilian-led government for corruption. 

‘Democracy will happen’

Reflecting on the past three years from the hospital where she works in London, Abdelgalil said “justice has never been achieved”.

“There has been no reform to the judiciary, no reform to the security sector. The regime has blocked any effort to dismantle its gold-mining interests, its trade interests, and so on,” she said.

Abdelgalil believes that the 25 October coup panned out the way the military meant 11 April 2019 to pan out.

On that day, she said, Burhan and his allies had intended to remove Bashir and then get back to business as usual. The people’s desire for revolution meant that wasn’t possible. 

The revolutionary movement was never allowed to make mistakes, Abdelgalil said, and when 25 October arrived, it was as if the movement was a patient recovering from a serious illness, only to then get Covid-19. 

‘The coup is a subtle return of the NCP regime’

– Sara Abdelgalil, activist

“The coup is a subtle return of the NCP regime,” she told MEE. “We are a toy in the hands of others: Egypt, the UAE, the European Union, the UK, the US, Russia.”

But in the end, she said, democracy will come to Sudan. 

“It will happen. It could take years and the price, unfortunately, will be very high. I am a doctor and I see kids being killed. But there is a high level of awareness among the youth as to what they want,” she said. 

Protests against the coup are being held weekly across the country, routinely met by bloody and deadly violence.

“The revolution is in every house – they are ordinary people asking for social justice, security, rights, but these things will interfere with the interests of the NCP,” she added.

Abdelgalil paused, thinking about what decades of fighting for a different Sudan have done to her and her family, and what 11 April really means to her.

“For me, I have lost all my youth abroad waiting for a democratic Sudan. My dreams are abolished. My father died dreaming of a democratic Sudan. It has been decades of dictatorship.”